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Kredibiltas Partai dan Wabah Korupsi

Partai kredibel bukan soal gampang tetapi juga tidak susah, sejauh pimpinan partai dan seluruh jajarannya bisa bersepakat satunya kata dengan perbuatan diiringi upaya kuat mewujudkan janji-janji politknya kepada rakyat dan memenuhinya.

Dalam perspektif budaya, orang Bugis-Makassar menyebutnya dalam konsep “taro ada’, taro gau” (satunya kata dengan perbuatan), atau orang Jawa menyindirnya dengan bahasa, “Kakehan gludhug kurang udan” (banyak bicara tidak ada kenyataan/bukti) dan pelbagai ungkapan local wisdom daerah dan budaya lainnya yang bermakna sama yang menandakan betapa nilai-nilai budaya kita mengajarkan seorang pemimpin ucapannya dapat dipercaya dan perbuatannya dapat dibuktikan.

Neumann (1963) menegaskan bahwa Partai Politik adalah organisasi yang berebut dukungan rakyat melalui persaingan (pemilu) dengan suatu golongan atau golongan lain yang mempunyai pandangan berbeda. Untuk mengatur persaingan itu, di Indonesia kemudian diatur dalam norma hukum perundangan, UU No. 2 Tahun 2011 tentang perubahan atas UU No. 2 tahun 2008 tentang Partai Politik.

Sebagai wadah perjuangan yang berkesinambungan, maka kaderisasi menjadi jantung keberlanjutan Partai Politik dengan tetap mendidik, membina, mengkader guna menghasilkan calon pemimpin yang memiliki kemampuan dibidang politik untuk mengelola kekuasaan pemerintahan dikemudian hari.

Hal itu berbanding terbalik dengan kondisi partai kita belakangan ini, partai lebih banyak dipimpin golongan tua (gerontokrasi) dan mengabaikan kaderisasi internal.

Bahkan beberapa partai dijabat oleh orang yang dulu sebagai dewan pimbina lalu turun tahta menjadi ketua umum karena ingin menguasai dan mengendalikannya secara langsung.

Partai yang tidak memberi ruang bagi generasi muda, yang memiliki sikap kepemimpinan dan kapasitas, berintegritas dan memiliki visi jauh kedepan akan ditinggal tua dan lambat laun akan layu tak dihiraukan para pemilih, apalagi pemilih dikalangan kaum muda yang jumlahnya sekitar 40an juta.

Konservatisme Partai

Beberapa partai memiliki kebiasaan memecat kadernya yang kritis, muda, dan berdedikasi tinggi hanya karena melakukan kritik terhadap partainya, apalagi dipimpin oleh orang yang merasa paling berkuasa dan kalangan orang tua itu.

Kritik bagi pemimpin “sok kuasa” seringkali dimaknai sebagai perlawanan, padahal, jika sehat berpikir, justeru kader kritis lah jauh lebih siap menghadapi tantangan berat dibanding mereka yang menghamba jabatan dan menjual harga diri.

Pasca kejatuhan Soeharto yang otoriter dan lahir era reformasi puluhan bahkan ratusan partai bermunculan. Tapi sayangnya, partai baru pun yang lahir di era reformasi berwatak sama dengan Orde Baru yakni sentralistik, otoriter dan antikritik oleh kadernya. Orde Baru memang sudah terkubur tapi watak dan perilakunya masih diwarisi oleh para pemimpin partai hingga saat ini.

Dalam catatan saya, partai Golkar misalnya, merupakan partai yang paling gemar memecat kadernya baik di era kepemimpinan Aburizal Bakrie maupun di dibawah kepemimpin terdakwa Setya Novanto.

Sebagai partai warisan Orde Baru dan telah melakukan perombakan paradigma namun tidak memengaruhi watak dan karakter Orba-nya dalam kepemimpinan.

Sebagai partai yang dimanjakan penguasa dimasa lalu, apalagi sedang dipimpin “anak mami” yang belum pernah teruji oleh zaman yang menggeliat dalam tekanan, partai ini masih sangat terkesan opurtunis tanpa ideologi perjuangan yang jelas.

Kemana angin kencang penguasa berhembus, disana ia berlindung, terlepas apakah ide sang penguasa untuk kepentingan rakyat atau tidak yang penting selalu ingin menempel ke penguasa. Soal kredibilitas urusan kesekian yang penting ikut seolah berkuasa tanpa rasa malu.

Dalam soal calon Wakil Presiden Jokowi 2019, ketua umum-nya pun tidak berani mencalonkan diri. Ketika disebut namanya sebagai cawapres di media dengan cepat menyampaikan dan menyangkalnya.

Sungguh ironi, partai besar pemenang pemilu kedua keder disebut sebagai calon Wakil Presiden apalagi maju sebagai Presiden?, sangat tidak bernyali.

Berbanding terbalik dengan partai lain seperti PAN atau PKS. Walau perolehan suaranya jauh dibanding partai Golkar, PAN dan PKS berani mengusung ketua umumnya untuk maju dalam kontestasi pemilu 2019.

Bahkan PKS menawarkan sembilan kader terbaiknya untuk menjadi calon Presiden. Disini, bukan soal besar atau kecil, tapi soal nyali pemimpin dan pada akhirnya rakyatlah akan menentukan.

Wabah Korupsi

Kredibilitas partai tentu tidak bertumpuh pada pemimpinnya, juga pada pengurus secara kolektif. Karenanya, kepengurusan yang solid, berintegritas dan tidak bermasalah hukum akan turut memengaruhi sebuah partai menjadi kredibel.

Tahun 2009, kita dikejutkan dengan partai Demokrat. Partai baru yang didirikan oleh mantan Presiden Soesilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) itu menjadi fenomenal tetapi ambruk dalam waktu sekejap karena ulah pengurusnya yang menjadi gembong korupsi dalam pelbagai kasus yang didalangi Nazaruddin, mantan bendahara umum partai Demokrat.

Pelbagai kasus korupsi yang terjaring operasi tangkap tangan (OTT) KPK yang melibatkan pejabat pemerintah daerah belakangan ini merupakan kader-kader partai. Terdapat kader PDIP, Golkar, Nasdem, PAN, PKS, Demokrat, dan lain-lain telah berhasil menyumbangkan kadernya masuk kedalam bui KPK dan memengaruhi kredibiltas partai akibat ulah kadernya. Karena cara partai memilih pemimpin kepala daerah bukan berdasarkan prestasi dan integritas tetapi kolusi dan isi tas.

Kredibilitas tidak dibangun dalam waktu singkat, setahun atau dua tahun. Ia dikonstruksi secara sosial oleh publik melalui proses panjang dan melelahkan, penuh perjuangan dan bahkan berdarah-darah hingga mendapatkan kepercayaan rakyat.

Ketika PDIP memenangkan pemilu 1999, itu wajar, karena saat itu merupakan simbol partai perlawanan pemerintah, simbol wong cilik dan menderita selama bertahun-tahun dibawah rezim Soeharto.

Tetapi saat memerintah tidak dapat menjalankan kepercayaan rakyat, ia pun rontok pada pemilu berikutnya, 2004. Pemilu 2009 hanya peringkat ketiga dan baru pemiu 2014 kembali menang dan menempatkan kadernya sebagai Presiden.

Pemilu 2019 bukan tidak mungkin PDIP kalah jika kadernya semakin memenuhi jeruji penjara KPK akibat korupsi dan pemerintahan Jokowi melakukan kesalahan fatal dalam sikap dan kebijakan politik nasional.

Harga BBM dinaikkan secara sembunyi-sembunyi, impor beras jelang petani panen raya dan saat ini bermaksud mengimpor gula mentah sebesar 1,8 juta Ton, merupakan kebijakan yang dapat merugikan PDIP secara elektoral.

Belum lagi soal isu agama, PKI, terorisme, kebijakan pajak yang mencekik, ketidak-adilan penegakan hukum, kriminalisasi dan pembunuhan ulama dibeberapa tempat serta konsep pemisahan agama dengan politik yang dikemukan Presiden Jokowi.

Kesan bagi umat Islam dan Islam politik bahwa rezim ini anti kepada umat Islam yang dapat digoreng oleh lawan-lawan politik PDIP dan Presiden Jokowi ditahun politik ini dan pilpres 2019.

Kesemuanya bergantung kepada sikap PDIP dan Presiden Jokowi lima bulan kedepan. Bagaimana cara merespon isu miring dan sikap yang akan ditempuh akan menentukan hasil pemilu nanti.

Dengan politik massa mengambang (floating mass) yang diterapkan dimasa Soeharto, para pemilih di hindarkan agar tidak paham politik karena dikuatirkan mengancam rezim otoriter.

Dampaknya, tidak ada satupun partai yang berturut-turut menjadi pemenang pemilu di era reformasi karena keengganan partai melakukan pendidikan politik secara konsisten.

Oleh: Syamsuddin Radjab

(Penulis adalah Dosen Hukum Tata Negara UIN Alauddin Makassar dan Direktur Eksekutif Jenggala Center)

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